Calendar An icon of a desk calendar. Cancel An icon of a circle with a diagonal line across. Caret An icon of a block arrow pointing to the right. Email An icon of a paper envelope. Facebook An icon of the Facebook "f" mark. Google An icon of the Google "G" mark. Linked In An icon of the Linked In "in" mark. Logout An icon representing logout. Profile An icon that resembles human head and shoulders. Telephone An icon of a traditional telephone receiver. Tick An icon of a tick mark. Is Public An icon of a human eye and eyelashes. Is Not Public An icon of a human eye and eyelashes with a diagonal line through it. Pause Icon A two-lined pause icon for stopping interactions. Quote Mark A opening quote mark. Quote Mark A closing quote mark. Arrow An icon of an arrow. Folder An icon of a paper folder. Breaking An icon of an exclamation mark on a circular background. Camera An icon of a digital camera. Caret An icon of a caret arrow. Clock An icon of a clock face. Close An icon of the an X shape. Close Icon An icon used to represent where to interact to collapse or dismiss a component Comment An icon of a speech bubble. Comments An icon of a speech bubble, denoting user comments. Comments An icon of a speech bubble, denoting user comments. Ellipsis An icon of 3 horizontal dots. Envelope An icon of a paper envelope. Facebook An icon of a facebook f logo. Camera An icon of a digital camera. Home An icon of a house. Instagram An icon of the Instagram logo. LinkedIn An icon of the LinkedIn logo. Magnifying Glass An icon of a magnifying glass. Search Icon A magnifying glass icon that is used to represent the function of searching. Menu An icon of 3 horizontal lines. Hamburger Menu Icon An icon used to represent a collapsed menu. Next An icon of an arrow pointing to the right. Notice An explanation mark centred inside a circle. Previous An icon of an arrow pointing to the left. Rating An icon of a star. Tag An icon of a tag. Twitter An icon of the Twitter logo. Video Camera An icon of a video camera shape. Speech Bubble Icon A icon displaying a speech bubble WhatsApp An icon of the WhatsApp logo. Information An icon of an information logo. Plus A mathematical 'plus' symbol. Duration An icon indicating Time. Success Tick An icon of a green tick. Success Tick Timeout An icon of a greyed out success tick. Loading Spinner An icon of a loading spinner. Facebook Messenger An icon of the facebook messenger app logo. Facebook An icon of a facebook f logo. Facebook Messenger An icon of the Twitter app logo. LinkedIn An icon of the LinkedIn logo. WhatsApp Messenger An icon of the Whatsapp messenger app logo. Email An icon of an mail envelope. Copy link A decentered black square over a white square.

ANDREW LIDDLE: Can SNP avoid civil war? Early signs are not good…

'SNP politicians had descended into recrimination and backbiting even before disastrous general election defeat.'

First Minister John Swinney speaks in Glasgow ahead of general election.
First Minister John Swinney speaks in Glasgow ahead of general election.

The SNP has lost the battle at the general election, and the question now is whether it can avoid the civil war.

The early signs are not good.

As many as 20 recently redundant MPs are thought to be already considering how they can jump back onto the gravy train at Holyrood in 2026.

Such a sudden influx of determined – some might say, entitled – candidates is only likely to strain the SNP’s already fragile unity.

Those contemplating standing are a distinctly mixed bag.

There are a handful, such as the former Glasgow South MP Stewart McDonald, who are thoughtful and would be an asset to their party in Edinburgh.

Others, such as the outspoken nationalist Joanna Cherry, would give the SNP whips sleepless nights.

For the rest, it seems unlikely that closer relative proximity to their constituents would make them any less anonymous or any more effective.

‘High-stakes internal conflict’

The tension arises, however, not over whether this new group of wannabe MSPs would be an asset, or even if they will stand – it is where and how they will get selected.

After all, even at the height of its pomp, there was only a finite number of Scottish Parliament seats the SNP could win, and that number is now diminishing by the day.

This presents the distinctly unedifying prospect of former SNP MPs scrapping it out with nationalist incumbents and other would-be candidates for the lifeboat of the Holyrood list or one of the few constituencies the SNP might still hold.

Such a high-stakes internal conflict over the next 18 months is likely to further exacerbate existing tensions in the nationalist ranks.

SNP politicians had descended into recrimination and backbiting even before the disastrous general election defeat.

Stewart McDonald.

Selection battles, where political careers hang in the balance, are unlikely to herald a new era of harmony.

As an illustration of how desperate this fight will become, the 20 MPs currently considering standing in 2026 represent almost a third of the seats the SNP currently holds in the Scottish Parliament, and even the most optimistic nationalist strategists concede a significant portion of those seats can no longer be considered safe.

Joanna Cherry.

Perhaps more troublingly for the SNP though is the spectre of the internal elections themselves.

It is the SNP membership, which is incidentally suffering a similar rate of attrition as the nationalists’ elected politicians, who will get to choose which candidates fight which constituencies or are placed at the top of the regional list.

There is nothing wrong with this democratic process per se, but it does create a particularly narrow and – in the case of SNP members in particular – single-issue electorate.

And if we cast our minds back to the most recent SNP internal election, this does not bode well.

‘Last thing SNP needs’

Even putting aside Ash Regan and her proposal to build an “independence readiness thermometer”, there is little doubt Humza Yousaf’s ill-fated leadership was hamstrung in part by the commitments he felt compelled to make to SNP members during the race to replace Nicola Sturgeon.

Even John Swinney, more than a year on, felt duty-bound to maintain Yousaf’s commitment that independence would be page one, line one of the nationalist’s manifesto, despite the obvious absurdity of that proposition at the general election.

An influx of former SNP MPs running for Holyrood will therefore not only further fray the nationalists’ fragile unity but will also potentially saddle the party and its politicians with further far-fetched policies and commitments.

And for a party already struggling with credibility and reeling from defeat, that really is the last thing it needs.


In defence of SNP chief Stephen Flynn

I will take a moment to defend the SNP’s Westminster leader, Stephen Flynn, who faced criticism for mocking England’s Euro 2024 final defeat on social media.

Many may well consider such behaviour petty and beneath an elected official, but football – even international football – is entertainment and nothing more.

People should be able to have a laugh about it, and good-natured chiding of rivals is part of that process.

So if Flynn wants to have a laugh at England’s expense, I say more power to him.

After all, he has had little else to smile about in recent weeks.

Conversation